By L. Malir. New York Institute of Technology.
It is also a story about race and ethnicity: group antagonisms generic acticin 30 gm without a prescription acne 10 dpo, fears buy generic acticin 30 gm line acne underwear, and tensions have played powerful roles in shaping U. Criminalization of drugs was historically one way that dominant, white social groups sought to maintain control over racial and ethnic minorities who troubled, angered, or scared them (Musto 1999). Advocates of criminalization have consistently painted drug users as morally weak (if not depraved), dangerous, and a threat to community standards and upstanding people. Advocates of criminalization have also tended to be most concerned about drugs associated with racial and ethnic groups that, in various ways, they thought threatened white America. Overt and virulent racism was2 pervasive in alcohol and drug control debates from the 1870s through the 1960s, giving social and political heft to public health messages and the efforts of prohibitionist “moral entrepreneurs. Although overt racism disappeared from drug policy debates after the civil rights movement took hold, racial concerns nonetheless helped propel the modern “war on drugs” launched during the Reagan administration (Reinarman and Levine 1997; Tonry 1995, 2011). The use of cocaine, primarily powder cocaine, increased in the late 1970s and early 1980s, particularly among whites, but did not provoke the “orgy of media and political attention” that occurred in the mid-1980s when a cheaper, smokable form of cocaine, in the form of crack, appeared. Although the use of crack was by no means limited to low-income, minority neighborhoods, it was those neighborhoods that more visibly suffered from addiction to crack and the violence that accompanied competition among drug-dealing groups to establish control over its distribution. Sensationalist media stories portrayed African Americans as the paradigmatic users and sellers of crack. Sentencing Commission 1995), poor urban minority neighborhoods have remained the principal “fronts” in the war on drugs. The emergence of crack cocaine offered American policy makers an important opportunity to think carefully about the best way to address addictive and dangerous drugs. They could have emphasized a public health and harm-reduction response, giving priority to drug education, substance abuse treatment, and increased access to medical assistance. They could have sought to stem the spread of drug use and the temptations of the drug trade in crumbling inner cities by making the investments needed to build social infrastructure, improve education, increase medical and mental health treatment, combat homelessness, increase employment, and provide more support to vulnerable families. They could have restricted the use of imprisonment to only the most serious drug offenders (e. Unfortunately, crack emerged when the country was in no mood to consider anything but a punitive response. The belief that severe sentences were needed to restore law and order to America reflected a “perfect storm” (Austin et al. As Reinarman and Levine have noted, crack was a “godsend to the Right,” as it offered the opportunity to reinvigorate a conservative moral and political agenda (Reinarman and Levine 1997, p. A punitive response to crack was in perfect harmony with a politically vigorous assertion of “traditional family values”—individual moral discipline and abstinence—and with the demand for serious consequences for those who failed to conform to them, including hippies, war protesters, and restive black youth. Subscriber: Univ of Minnesota - Twin Cities; date: 23 October 2013 Race and Drugs Democrats who were anxious and angry about their declining status in the post civil rights era. Avoiding explicit racial appeals to resentful whites, the strategy relied on racially coded messages about drugs, crime, and welfare (Beckett 1999; Tonry 2011). A “seemingly race- neutral concern over crime” became a vehicle to continue to fight racial battles (Loury 2008, p. Not to be outdone by the Republicans, the Democrats became equally fervent apostles of tough-on-crime policies. With little debate or reflection, the federal and state governments responded to crack specifically and drug use more generally with soaring law enforcement budgets and ever more punitive laws and policies that increased arrests of low-level drug offenders, the likelihood of a prison sentence upon conviction of a drug offense, and the lengths of prison sentences. The federal Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 and the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 imposed far higher penalties for the sale of crack cocaine than for powder cocaine. Under the notorious federal 100-1 law governing powder and crack sentences, federal defendants with 5 grams of crack cocaine received the same mandatory minimum 5-year sentence imposed on defendants with 500 grams of powder cocaine. Fourteen states also imposed harsher sentences for crack compared to powder cocaine offenses (Porter and Wright 2011), and all states ratcheted up sentences for drug law violations regardless of the drug involved (Human Rights Watch 2000, 2008; Mauer 2006). Harsh penalties for crack were easily enacted because that drug was uniquely linked in the mainstream’s collective consciousness with dangerous, poor, minority inner-city dwellers who supposedly threatened white suburban America. Federal District Judge Clyde Cahill described the racial underpinnings of federal crack sentencing legislation: The fear of increased crime as a result of crack cocaine fed white society’s fear of the black male as a crack user and as a source of social disruption. The prospect of black crack migrating to the white suburbs led the legislators to reflexively punish crack violators more harshly than their white, suburban, powder cocaine dealing counterparts. Clary 1994) When public officials, legislators, and the media talked about crack in terms of addiction and violence, the subtext was understood to be race: [C]rack cocaine was perceived as a drug of the Black inner-city urban poor, while powder cocaine, with its higher costs, was a drug of wealthy whites…. This framing of the drug in class and race-based terms provides important context when evaluating the legislative response.
The abstract may not completely or accurately represent the actual ﬁndings of the article and often does not contain important information found only in the arti- cle buy 30 gm acticin fast delivery acne complex. Therefore it should never be used as the sole source of information about the study generic 30 gm acticin visa skin care kiehls. Introduction The introduction is a brief statement of the problem to be solved and the pur- pose of the research. It describes the importance of the study by either giving the reader a brief overview of previous research on the same or related topics or giv- ing the scientiﬁc justiﬁcation for doing the study. Too often, the hypothesis is only implied, potentially leaving the study open to misinterpretation. Therefore, the null hypothesis should either be explicitly stated or obvious from the statement of the expected outcome of the research, which is also called the alternative hypothesis. It includes a detailed description of the research design, the population sample, the process of the research, and the statistical methods. There should be enough details to allow anyone reading the study to replicate the experiment. Careful reading of this section will suggest potential biases and threats to the validity of the study. The processes of sample selec- tion and/or assignment must be adequately described. This includes the eli- gibility requirements or inclusion criteria (who could be entered into the experiment) and exclusion criteria (who is not allowed to be in the study and why). The site of research such as a community outpatient clinic, specialty practice, hospital, or others may inﬂuence the types of patients enrolled in the study thus these settings should be stated in the methods section. Randomization refers to how the research subjects were allocated to different groups. The blinding information should include whether the treating professionals, observers, or participants were aware of the nature of the study and if the study is single-, double-, or triple-blinded. All of the important outcome measures should be examined and the process by which they are measured and the quality of these measures should all be explicitly described. In studies that depend on patient record review, the process by which that review was carried out should be explicitly described. Results The results section should summarize all the data pertinent to the purpose of the study. This part of the article is not a place for commentary or 30 Essential Evidence-Based Medicine opinions – “just the facts! The description of the measurements should include the measures of central ten- dency and dispersion (e. These values should be given so that readers may determine for themselves if the results are statistically and/or clin- ically signiﬁcant. Discussion The discussion includes an interpretation of the data and a discussion of the clinical importance of the results. It should ﬂow logically from the data shown and incorporate other research about the topic, explaining why this study did or did not corroborate the results of those studies. Unfortunately, this section is often used to spin the results of a study in a particular direction and will over- or under-emphasize certain results. The discussion section should include a discussion of the statis- tical and clinical signiﬁcance of the results, the non-signiﬁcant results, and the potential biases in the study. As the sample size increases, the power of the study will increase, and a smaller effect size will become statistically signiﬁcant. Also, a study with enough subjects may ﬁnd sta- tistical signiﬁcance if even a tiny difference in outcomes of the groups is found. In these cases, the study result may make no clinical difference for your patient. What is important is a change in disease status that matters to the patient sitting in your ofﬁce. A study result that is not statistically signiﬁcant does not conclusively mean that no relationship or association exists.
These syrups are also derived from cornstarch through the conversion of a portion of the glucose present in starch into fructose order 30gm acticin skin care 90036. Other sources of sugars include malt syrup 30gm acticin acne vs rosacea, comprised largely of sucrose; honey, which resembles sucrose in its composition but is composed of individual glucose and fruc- tose molecules; and molasses, a by-product of table sugar production. With the introduction of high fructose corn sweeteners in 1967, the amount of “free” fructose in the diet of Americans has increased consider- ably (Hallfrisch, 1990). Department of Agriculture food consumption survey data, nondiet soft drinks were the leading source of added sugars in Americans’ diets, accounting for one-third of added sugars intake (Guthrie and Morton, 2000). This was followed by sugars and sweets (16 percent), sweetened grains (13 percent), fruit ades/drinks (10 percent), sweetened dairy (9 percent), and breakfast cereals and other grains (10 percent). Together, these foods and beverages accounted for 90 percent of Ameri- cans’ added sugars intake. Gibney and colleagues (1995) reported that dairy foods contributed 31 percent of the total sugar intakes in children, and fruits contributed 17 percent of the sugars for all ages. The majority of carbohydrate occurs as starch in corn, tapioca, flour, cereals, popcorn, pasta, rice, potatoes, and crackers. Between 10 and 25 percent of adults consumed less than 45 percent of energy from carbohydrate. Less than 5 percent of adults consumed more than 65 percent of energy from carbohydrate (Appendix Table E-3). Median carbohydrate intakes of Canadian men and women during 1990 to 1997 ranged from approximately 47 to 50 percent of energy intake (Appendix Table F-2). More than 25 percent of men consumed less than 45 percent of energy from carbohydrate, whereas between 10 and 25 per- cent of women consumed below this level. Less than 5 percent of Canadian men and women consumed more than 65 percent of energy from carbo- hydrate. Data from the Third National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey shows that the median intake of added sugars widely ranged from 10 to 30 tsp/d for adults, which is equivalent to 40 to 120 g/d of sugars (1 tsp = 4 g of sugar) (Appendix Table D-1). Potential adverse effects from consuming a high carbohydrate diet, including sugars and starches, are discussed in detail in Chapter 11. Behavior The concept that sugars might adversely affect behavior was first reported by Shannon (1922). The notion that intake of sugars is related to hyperactivity, especially in children, is based on two physiological theories: (1) an allergic reaction to refined sugars (Egger et al. A number of studies have been conducted to find a correlation between intake of sugars and adverse behavior; some have been reviewed by White and Wolraich (1995). Most of the intervention studies looked at the behavior effects of sugars within a few hours after ingestion, and therefore the long-term effects are unclear. A meta-analysis of 23 studies conducted over a 12-year period concluded that sugar intake does not affect either behavior or cognitive performance in children (Wolraich et al. Dental Caries Sugars play a significant role in the development of dental caries (Walker and Cleaton-Jones, 1992), but much less information is known about the role of starch in the development of dental caries (Lingstrom et al. Early childhood dental caries, also known as baby-bottle tooth decay or nursing caries, affects about 3 to 6 percent of children (Fitzsimons et al. This is associated with frequent, prolonged use of baby bottles containing fermentable sugars (e. Increased consumption of sugar-containing foods has been associated with a deterio- ration of dental health in 5-year-old children (Holbrook et al. Chil- dren 5 or 8 years of age who consumed sweet snacks between meals more than five times a day had significantly higher mean decayed and missing teeth and filled scores than children with a lower consumption (Kalsbeek and Verrips, 1994). Root caries in middle-aged and elderly adults was sig- nificantly associated with sucrose consumption (Papas et al. Hence, it is diffi- cult to rationalize the relationship of sugars and dental caries as simply “cause-and-effect” (Walker and Cleaton-Jones, 1992). Caries occurrence is influenced by frequency of meals and snacks, oral hygiene (tooth-brushing frequency), water fluoridation, fluoride supplementation, and fluoride toothpaste (Holbrook et al. Caries has declined in many industrialized countries and in areas with water fluoridation (McDonagh et al.
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